Iran-Contra

1986-11

The 1985-1987 covert programme through which the Reagan Administration sold arms to Iran and diverted the proceeds to the Nicaraguan Contras in violation of the Boland Amendment.

Audio readout of this dossier.

Background

The Reagan Administration's policy toward Nicaragua centred on the support of armed opposition forces — the Nicaraguan Resistance, popularly the Contras — against the Sandinista National Liberation Front Government that had taken power following the 1979 revolution. The CIA had begun covert support to the Contras under presidential finding in November 1981. By the early 1980s, congressional concern over the programme — including over reports of CIA mining of Nicaraguan harbours in 1983–1984 — had produced a series of statutory restrictions known collectively as the Boland Amendments. The Boland Amendment of October 1984 prohibited the use of US Government funds for "supporting, directly or indirectly, military or paramilitary operations in Nicaragua." The amendment's effect was to require the Reagan Administration either to abandon Contra support or to find alternative funding sources outside the appropriations process.1

The administration's parallel preoccupation in 1985 was the question of US hostages held in Lebanon by Hezbollah-linked groups. National Security Council staffer Lt. Col. Oliver North, working under the direction of National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane and his successor John Poindexter, developed a proposal that combined the two concerns. Iran, then engaged in the war with Iraq that had begun in 1980, was in urgent need of US-origin TOW anti-tank missiles and HAWK anti-aircraft missile parts. Senior Iranian officials were reportedly willing to use their influence with Hezbollah to obtain the release of US hostages in Lebanon in exchange for arms transfers. The proceeds from the arms sales — at a substantial markup — could be diverted to the Contras outside the appropriations process.2

The Operation

The arms-for-hostages component of the operation began in earnest in summer 1985. Initial transfers were made through Israel: Israeli sources sold US-origin weapons to Iran with US authorisation, and the United States subsequently replenished Israeli stockpiles. The first transfer of TOW missiles to Iran occurred in August–September 1985. A second transfer of HAWK missile parts in November 1985 produced the first explicit involvement of CIA personnel — a CIA proprietary aircraft was used in the November transfer — which raised statutory questions because the operation had not been the subject of a presidential finding subsequently reported to Congress as required.3

President Reagan signed retroactive presidential findings in December 1985 and again in January 1986 authorising the arms-to-Iran component. The January 1986 finding contained an explicit instruction to withhold the finding from Congress — a provision contrary to the National Security Act of 1947 requirement that congressional intelligence committees be kept "fully and currently informed" of intelligence activities. Subsequent direct US transfers of TOW missiles continued through 1986; eight of the more than 1,500 TOW missiles transferred were exchanged for the release of three US hostages, with three subsequent hostages taken by Hezbollah-linked groups during the same period.4

The Contra-funding component of the operation operated in parallel. North, working with retired Air Force Major General Richard Secord and Iranian-American businessman Albert Hakim, established a private network — code-named "the Enterprise" — through which the proceeds of the arms sales were diverted to the Contras. Approximately US$30 million was generated by the arms sales; approximately US$3.8 million reached the Contras. The substantial gap between these figures — a gap subsequently characterised in the Walsh report as "skimming" by the operatives — was the subject of substantial subsequent investigative attention.5

Disclosure

On 3 November 1986 the Lebanese magazine Ash-Shiraa published an account of the McFarlane secret mission to Tehran in May 1986 — a mission in which the former US National Security Adviser, accompanied by North and others, had travelled to Iran with US-origin Bible inscribed with a verse from Galatians and a chocolate cake. The Iranian publication produced immediate Western press attention and the rapid unravelling of the operation.6

President Reagan addressed the country on 13 November 1986, characterising the operation as having been a strategic outreach to Iranian moderates rather than an arms-for-hostages exchange. On 25 November 1986 Attorney General Edwin Meese announced — in a press conference that included the President — that staff investigation had identified the diversion of proceeds to the Contras. Poindexter resigned the same day; North was dismissed.7

The President's Special Review Board — the Tower Commission, chaired by former Senator John Tower with members Edmund Muskie and Brent Scowcroft — reported in February 1987. The Commission's findings characterised the operation as an executive-branch process failure, with substantial criticism of the National Security Council staff, the President's management style, and the Chief of Staff's role. The joint congressional inquiry that ran from January through August 1987 — co-chaired by Senator Daniel Inouye and Representative Lee Hamilton — produced an extensive public-record account, including the televised testimony of Oliver North, Robert McFarlane, John Poindexter, and other senior figures.8

The Independent Counsel investigation under Lawrence Walsh, established in December 1986, ran for nearly seven years. The Walsh investigation produced eleven convictions on charges including obstruction of justice, false statements, perjury, and the unauthorised destruction of documents. Convictions of North and Poindexter were ultimately reversed on appeal on grounds related to congressional immunity grants for their testimony. On 24 December 1992 — six weeks before leaving office — President George H. W. Bush pardoned six defendants, including former Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger. The Walsh Final Report, published in August 1993, characterised the pardons as having "completed the Iran-Contra cover-up."9

Legacy

Iran-Contra has functioned, since the post-1987 period, as a load-bearing reference for three substantive questions in US national-security law and policy. First, the question of executive-branch covert action conducted in violation of statutory restrictions: the Boland Amendment cases established the basic framework for subsequent disputes over executive authority versus congressional restriction. Second, the question of the National Security Act's "fully and currently informed" requirement: the case established the post-1987 reform framework in the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1991, including the requirement of written presidential findings and the limits on retroactive findings. Third, the question of Independent Counsel investigation versus presidential pardons: the Walsh Final Report's characterisation of the December 1992 pardons established a reference for subsequent debates.10

For the institutional history of the CIA, the case produced substantial subsequent reflection. CIA Director William Casey, who had been a central figure of the Reagan-Administration intelligence-community relationship and who had supported the operation, died in May 1987 of brain cancer before the Walsh investigation had completed its principal interviews. The Agency's institutional culture across the post-1987 period was substantially shaped by the case; the post-2001 detention and interrogation programme has been characterised in subsequent academic literature as a successor case of CIA programme development outside ordinary professional and statutory norms.11

For the broader question of US-Iranian relations, the case has been the subject of substantial subsequent academic and policy attention — including the question of how the operation has shaped Iranian institutional perception of US national-security decision-making, and the question of how its disclosure shaped US-Iranian negotiations across subsequent decades.12

This dossier relates principally to the Central Intelligence Agency. The Iranian-side context is relevant to Iran and to its successor intelligence services. The country-level US context is on the page for the United States.

Sources & Further Reading

  1. Boland Amendment, Continuing Appropriations Act of 1985, Pub. L. 98-473, October 1984; Theodore Draper, A Very Thin Line: The Iran-Contra Affairs (Hill and Wang, 1991).
  2. President's Special Review Board ("Tower Commission"), Report of the President's Special Review Board, 26 February 1987.
  3. Tower Commission, op. cit.; Joint Hearings of the Senate Select Committee and House Select Committee, Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, 17 November 1987.
  4. National Security Act of 1947, 50 U.S.C. § 3091 (formerly § 413); Tower Commission, op. cit.
  5. Lawrence E. Walsh, Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, 4 August 1993, three volumes (Federation of American Scientists archive).
  6. "The Hidden Life of an American Hostage Deal," Ash-Shiraa, 3 November 1986; National Security Archive, Iran-Contra documentation.
  7. Address to the Nation by President Ronald Reagan on the Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy, 13 November 1986; Press Conference of the President and Attorney General Edwin Meese, 25 November 1986.
  8. Tower Commission, Report; Joint Hearings, Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, op. cit.
  9. Walsh, Final Report, op. cit.; Statement of the President on the Pardon of Caspar Weinberger and Others, 24 December 1992.
  10. Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1991, Pub. L. 102-88; L. Britt Snider, The Agency and the Hill: CIA's Relationship with Congress, 1946–2004 (Center for the Study of Intelligence, 2008).
  11. Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Doubleday, 2007); Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Committee Study of the Central Intelligence Agency's Detention and Interrogation Program, declassified executive summary, December 2014.
  12. Trita Parsi, Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran, and the United States (Yale UP, 2007).